BOOK
REVIEW
Re-Defining Legitimate Statehood: International Law and State
Fragmentation in Africa
By Obiora Chinedu Okafor
Publisher: Kluwer Law International, PO Box 85889, 2508 CN The
Hague, The Netherlands. 2000
Pages: 232; price: US$180
Reviewer: Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
in Montreal, Canada
As the new century opens up Africans are increasingly rethinking
their existence in relation to how people created their nation-states
who weren't Africans and who did not understand their way of doing
things.
The African nation-states were created without recourse to African
culture, tradition and history, and without consulting the African
peoples. Like the bastardisation of the African culture, which was
erroneously described by the colonialists as "backward",
"pagan", and "primitive", African nation-states
were created to suit the interest of the colonialists. The result, as
we all know and experience today, is civil wars, unnecessary tension,
tribalism, hatred, predatory elite, confused intellectuals,
corruption, and general decline of the African life.
Nigeria's Dr. Obiora Chinedu Okafor, 40, currently teaching at
Canada's York University Osgood Law School, gives explanations,
analytically, of the need to reconstruct the African nation-states in
order to minimise the internecine conflicts and give voice to minority
ethnic groups in Africa. His work adds to the growing campaigns to
shift developmental paradigm from Eurocentric to Afric-centric in
order to eliminate most of the unnecessary tensions and free the
developmental forces within the African peoples for their progress.
This work won the Canadian 1999 governor-general's Gold Award because
of its groundbreaking investigations and suggestions towards ending
the African crisis.
Obi, as the author affectionately called, recounts the creation of
multi-national empires in pre-colonial Africa via strong, centralised
states and their resistant by weaker political formations. "The
stronger states forcibly suppressed many self-governing peoples,
incorporated them into their burgeoning empires, and often attempted,
with varying degrees of success, to assimilate them into a particular
socio-cultural way of life, or identity." To this day also the
threat of the strong expansionist states created animosities that have
continued
Obi gives a genealogy of African state-building in pre-colonial
times, citing cases from such empires and kingdoms like Ghana, Mali,
Songhai, Bunyaro-Kitara, Sokoto, Zimbabwe, Buganda, Kanem-Bornu,
Rwanda, Burundi, AmaZulu, Oyo, Benin, Dahomey, and Ethiopia. His take
here is that "the capacity of Africans to run large centralised
states did not disappear with the decline and fall of Kemet, Kush,
Meroe, and Axum...This historic ability continued to be demonstrated
almost continuously for thousands of years before the advent of
European colonialism in Africa."
The dawn of European colonialism was to change everything in the
context of the types of "nation-states" that the Europeans
imposed on Africa. The African states were not the European-type
"nation-states". "... One crucial distinction to be
made is between the genealogy of state-building and the genealogy of
the "nation-state."
The pre-colonial African states were said to be segmentary while
the European's were unitary. Obi cites examples throughout Africa to
demonstrate that the pre-colonial state-building by Africans have had
"lasting effect on the nature of the crisis of legitimate
statehood in Africa. Rarely have these pre-colonial processes not
impacted on the structural dynamics of state-building in the
contemporary African era."
Such roll over of state-building saw the 19th century expansionism
of both African and European states contributing to the present
political configuration of the crisis situation of the African
continent. Obi gives the cases of the Sokoto Caliphate, the Zulu
Kingdom and the Asante Empire to show the expansion of the 19th
century pre-colonial African states and the effects, beefed by
European colonialism via the scramble for and partition of Africa, and
later with alliances with some African kingdoms, on Africa's crisis
today.
As the time came for the Europeans to go "no attention was
paid to pre-colonial interstate/community relations in the creation of
the new states." Obi says the colonial African state, and the
struggles waged by the various ethnic groups within it, informs the
nature of the structural crisis that later visited the post-colonial
African state today. Still, the colonial African state lacked some
three attributes of modern state. The author informs us that it was
"merely a province of an European metropolis. It was not a nation
because it had just forcibly assembled varying numbers of resistant
nations into a single political container. It was not an international
actor because its external relations were conducted on its behave by
the relevant colonial power."
In such a climate, to the native African population the colonial
African state was a Bula Matari (crusher of rocks) in that it enjoyed
massive autonomy and hegemony, and as a Leviathan entity, it survived
by notoriously asserting and maintaining "its authority against a
resistant African population more or less by military force "
over hostile population anxious to regain their independence, and as
such "could not be anything but what it actually was:
militaristic, authoritarian, over-centralised, and alienating."
And because of these feelings the African population view the colonial
African state as illegitimate.
It is in this understanding of the origin of the internecine
conflicts in Africa that the author examines how international legal
and institutional attitudes deal with the African state problem. The
trouble with this is that it exhibits the same European structures and
attitudes such as "the homogenisation of sub-state groups"
and "the domestication of sub-state groups." The question is
when these international laws will shed its traditional Western
dominance and see the African state problem from African perspective.
That international legal and institutional attitudes have contributed
to the African state problems is discussed in chapter four.
Obi offers that recommendations for future action should see the
transformation that do not facilitate internecine strife within
established post-colonial African state and that "it is important
that the emerging tendencies of international law and institutions
toward the encouragement of de-centralisation of the state as against
over-centralisation. And in the African context through the OAU where
a mechanism will be created to handle such state fragmentation issues
informed by African culture, history and tradition.