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INDEPENDENT

Sierra Leone, 21 June - 4 July, 2000

Vol 6 No 8

 

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BOOK REVIEW

Africa in the Post-Cold War International System

Edited by: Sola Akinade and Amadu Sesey

Publisher: Printer, P.O. Box 605, Herdon, Virginia 20172, USA. 1998

Pages: 232 price: £50 sterling (hardcover)

Reviewer: Kofi Akosah-Sarpong in Montreal, Canada

How is Africa doing the Cold War? This book attempts to answer the question by exploring how Africa is attempting to adjust to the emerging international order. For this reason the contributors, said to be some of the leading and most perspective scholars working on African politics, economics, environment, history and international relations look at topical issues like security and strategic issues, human rights, conflict management, relations with great powers, international organizations and multilateral financial institutions.

The book is divided into two broad parts and has nine contributors drawn from universities inside and outside Africa. Part 1 is entitled "Looking Inward" and looks at such issues like old concepts and new challenges: African nationalism in the post-Cold War era; Regional and sub-regional conflict management efforts; The re-democratization process in Africa; Changing perspectives on human tights in Africa and Southern Africa; and the end of apartheid: opportunities and challenges.

Part 11 is entitled "Africa and the Post-Cold War International Environment." It has under its wings Africa and global society: marginality, conditionality and conjuncture; Africa, non-alignment and the end of the Cold War; Africa and the United Nations; Global economic factors in Africa's environmental crisis; and the triumph of realism: Africa and the Middle East.

As a starter Africa, like other Third World regions, were caught in the dance of the Cold War and the Sino-Soviet rivalry. Western modernization theory tried to contain Soviet communist cancer for development and help "backward, or traditional, societies develop into 'modern' nation states, characterized by market economies, democratic politics and the secularization of society, and in foreign policy a commitment to the Western alliance."

Whether looked from security, in terms of arms race or spheres of influence, or development, in terms of what model of development would speed up development fast, the whole Cold War rivalry were a showcase of what development model was better. Each side of the East-West divide thought their models of development were better. Africa, powerless, became the pawn as an experiment guinea pig in testing either of the developmental models. All these undermined Africa's development struggles since either of the models were either capitalist or Marxist, which were all Eurocentric.

It is in the climate of failure of this rush of non-African developments upon Africans, and taken fully by Africa's weak elites, no matter their ideological standing, that led to the opening up of the flood-gate of coups d'etat, grand corruption, development confusion, civil wars, hatred, destruction of native culture and knowledge, and cultural disarray, especially in the 1960s.

In the climate of 'Faustian bargain' issues such as democracy, even the West sacrificed human rights, accountability, and free market enterprise. The editors describe this period of 'erosion of democratic ideal', in the case of the Western world. And in the Soviet Union, this led to the 'erosion of socialist ideal', as "pragmatism replaced ideology as the main criterion for the choice of African allies."

In such an atmosphere the game was finding a strong African ally, like Somalia's Said Barry, and supplying him with arms. Thus, to contain capitalist spread "Soviet Union began to exert influence in Africa by supplying arms to embattled governments and supporting national liberation movements opposed to Western interests." Coupled with confused elites these created development problems. More painfully, these East-West rivalry for sphere of influence blinded African elites from seeing the problems colonialism has created.

The Cold War, in effect, 'frozen' these political problems that were the legacy of colonialism. And these increasingly made the African states weaker and weaker and weaker up until today. One of the central problems was the artificiality of the African borders. Issues of irredentism, the recovery of former territory that was part of an African empire, or larger unit prior to colonialism. According to the book "the weakness of African states has also led to persistent problems of foreign intervention and regional security."

All these weaknesses made Africa marginalized after the Cold War, of which the book says this is "because of the way Great Powers have always seen the continent as an extension of their strategic and economic interests." And with the end of the Cold War other superpower concerns and the coming to the fore of the former Soviet satellite block further made Africa dark spot in the world. But aside from all these, Africa still matters in terms of regional conflicts and instability, which can hook the world only superpower into. The concern of Islamic fundamentalism in Africa makes Africa matter, as Sudan exemplifies.

It is in this concerns that the promotion of democracy and human rights has been given support in the post-Cold War world despite the suspicion of differences in history and economics of Western world and Africa. The view is that democracy will diminish regional conflicts and make regimes, especially civilian, spend more on social issues than military. And with the fragmentation of Soviet Union the existing mental and political maps of the world were thrown into disarray, prompting talks and agitations of succession here and there. In the face of all these the pressure keeping the African map "remain great."

Coming from its earlier oversight in pushing for democracy and human rights because of the Cold War, the West is now pushing for such wrapped around the new political conditionalities. The central theme of this is democratic governance and with economic/financial aid tied to it. But the conundrum now is democracy and development and they are to fit the African environment. Should democracy be rooted in African experience and history or the Western one is so universal that there is no need for such? The coming reality has sparked off the call for African-centred democracy and development by both capitalists and socialists in the face of ethnic conflicts.

 

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