As we fast-track to the end of the Tejan Kabbah presidency climaxing into the historic August 11 2007 vote, I have elected to take a critical look at the chances of the three front runners: Solomon  Berewa (SLPP), Ernest Koroma (APC) and Charles Margai (PMDC) in that alphabetical order of their surnames. For each of these presidential hopefuls, I would look at their strengths and weaknesses in the context of the most important issues that are likely to factor in as potential vote winners, issues such as peace, stability, good governance and human development. I would also examine the potential role of the running mates in the overall outcome.

Solomon Berewa: Conducting his campaign on the ticket of the ruling SLPP, and above all as the country's running vice president, Berewa has all the trappings of the incumbency advantage although of course this can only strongly manifest itself in a situation where the incumbent has got a lot to show to justify re-election. Going by his election manifesto 2007-2012, it is clear that Berewa is campaigning on the platform of continuity—that is building on the gains, whether major, slight, or nothing of the Kabbah presidency —rather than that of any fundamental point of departure. For a candidate enjoying an incumbency advantage, the choice between continuity and change is indeed a very tricky one, particularly so when they in the first place enjoy the full endorsement of the out-going president. In my series on Tejan Kabbah's legacy, I concluded that ‘while the Kabbah presidency, at least on average, fared better in the promotion of the people's political liberties, especially in sustaining the much cherished civic democratic culture and institutions, albeit this was watered down a bit by his high-handed handling of the press and far from satisfactory campaign against corruption, its handling of their fundamental human development was hardly an unqualified success'.  True to his words, Tejan Kabbah acknowledged this critical appraisal in a way when he, in his Foreword to Berewa's 2007-2012 presidential campaign manifesto launched on July 1, declared: ‘We have built the foundations for sustainable peace by setting up the framework for good governance.  This peace will easily disappear if we do not build on this foundation, the economic opportunities for our children to enjoy higher living conditions.  This is the next step in our country's journey to prosperity.  We should now focus on creating jobs, empowering our youth and women, harnessing the enormous economic potential that we failed to exploit in the past.  This time around we must do it with appropriate policies, modern systems of management, good governance, discipline, and the rule of law.'

Tejan Kabbah was bold enough to admit the many shortcomings of his presidency, which he warned may undermine efforts to sustain the peace and stability the country has enjoyed in the last five years of his regime. The outgoing president however sounded upbeat when he said that his successor Berewa, having survived all the trials with him over the years, is well placed to face the challenge of addressing these failures in the reconstruction process. This is indeed a very tall order for Kabbah's chosen successor Berewa. Critics say how on earth can Berewa succeed in pragmatically turning things around where his predecessor fell short when in fact, for the past five years at least, he had served as the country's no. 2 man. But sympathisers would always say that Berewa would only show himself fully when he is properly in charge and not when he is answering to some one else. Although of course some other critics would counter this defence by saying that Berewa has always been loyal to his boss, and moreover the fact that they never on record had any misunderstanding on state policy matters makes it less likely for Berewa to pursue any radical reforms. And yet others would want to caution that it is indeed too early to think that Berewa would not do things differently, even if it means kicking against some of the policies of his predecessor if elected. It is interesting for example to see how new British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has been cautiously, but unapologetically, trying to stay clear of his predecessor's aggressive pro-US Iraqi policy. And  the sudden u-turn of French strongman Nicolas Sarkozy against his former bosses of the same ruling party, Chirac and Villepin, who in less than a month after handing over, were brought for questioning for alleged abuse of power also comes to mind. It is of course difficult to draw a parallel between Sarkozy and Berewa, since the former openly campaigned on a platform that significantly departed from that of his predecessor,  and was never in fact his choice to succeed him, while the contrary in either case was largely true of the latter. Berewa can however in a way be likened to Brown in as far as traditional loyalty to their predecessors is concerned, and because the latter has recently started doing things slightly differently at least going by the recent foreign policy ranting of his foreign secretary David Miliband regarding British-US cooperation in Iraq, we must wait and see what Berewa would do if he gets there.

In launching his presidential campaign manifesto, Berewa himself was smart enough to recognize the shortfalls of his government which he thinks may not help his chances in the poll. In politics you are more likely to be acceptable to the electorate if you are bold enough to accept mistakes that have been made under your stewardship, accompanied of course by a clear cut strategy and pragmatic strategy to put things straight once you are given a second chance. In admitting his government's drawback in the all important area of human development, Berewa invited all Sierra Leoneans at home and in the Diaspora to join hands, ‘Together as one people we can do it. … we will improve the chances of this country attaining the targets of the Millennium Development Goals; and above all we will give hope to our youth especially the women, that the peace is here to stay and that jobs and prosperity are the new targets for our onslaught.' These are indeed fine words that have the potential to resonate very well with the electorate but skeptics may want to dismiss it as nothing but a promise, which for all you know may, like all others before it, remain so.

Berewa reacted to critics who dismiss his ‘continuity' platform as nothing short of a perpetuation of the failures of the presidency of his boss Tejan Kabbah from which he cannot dissociate himself since he was officially next in command by saying that they indeed missed his own interpretation of ‘continuity' ‘It is now manifestly clear that continuity here simply means proceeding to the implementation stage arising from the long and torturous studies, debates, analyses, investigations that His Excellency Tejan Kabbah and myself had quietly conducted through interaction with people, through involvement with the work of NGOs, Parastatals, donor countries, through the scrutiny and detailed analysis of various reports and studies conducted, which finally gave us not only a clear global picture, but also a detailed understanding of the problems of Sierra Leone and pointing to the potential solutions.'  The SLPP presidential hopeful tried to score some political points by likening himself to a medic who is now ready to administer the right treatment to the country's daunting problems after spending all these years diagnosing them, arguing that it is better to leave him continue this than have a new medic who would need to spend another time on the diagnosis before coming to the treatment proper.  Despite his echoes of continuity, Berewa promised to form an inclusive government that would design ‘a completely new administrative, economic, social and commercial system for Sierra Leone that will serve as a sound foundation and guarantee peace, freedom, development, progress and prosperity for all. The operative word here is ‘new' but critics would still go around this bluff by arguing that given his traditional loyalty to Tejan Kabbah, it is highly unlikely that he would depart, fundamentally, from his policies. Others would however hasten to caution that it is too early to tell the surprises Berewa may have in store for us.

Going by the title of his election manifesto, “A Platform for Peace Consolidation and Prosperity”, it is clear that Berewa openly draws on one of the key achievements of his government to boost his chances for the presidency. At least Berewa would beat his chest as the man who President Kabbah entrusted as the chief government negotiator at all the peace conferences held to end the civil war although it is on record that some of the important peace accords that came out of them were all but followed to the letter. That notwithstanding, critics would say it is now over five years since peace was restored and so it is not a very strong political point to make at this time, particularly so when his government is yet to deliver on human development which is supposed to consolidate the peace.

As if Kabbah knew Berewa was going to be the man to step in his shoes, he made him the chief government negotiator at most donors' conferences where his leadership resulted into the huge flow of foreign aid to Sierra Leone. Kabbah also sent his number 2 man to deputize him at some international conferences.  All this is good news for the Berewa bid although some people may want to ask where all the aid money has gone as almost 70 per cent of the country's population continues to live in abject poverty. Others may want to argue that the fact that the huge aid money is yet to translate into a genuine human development it is better to look for alternative ways of harnessing the country's human and natural resources for the benefit of the people. If for instance the country's macro and micro economic stability, for which the Kabbah presidency has been hugely commended, had succeeded in bringing about economic prosperity in human terms—improved standard of living, health care, food, water, electricity, education, jobs, decent wages, etc---, the Berewa presidential campaign machine would have been by now busy making political capital out of it. Well the Berewa camp may well argue that after all the incumbent government has visibly scored in health care and education and that it is only a matter of time to do the same in the other human development sectors of the country.  

In terms of good governance and transparency, Berewa can easily point to the success of his government in at least putting in place some of the institutions such as the Ombudsman and the Anti-Corruption Commission but may not have much to talk home about when it comes to their actual delivery of a transparent and corruption-free society. At least there is no mention in the Berewa manifesto of any plans to address the shortfalls of these institutions, plans such as  empowering them to dispense justice independently without any interference from neither the country's mainstream judiciary nor the other organs of government.  But again some sympathizers of the Berewa camp may argue that you cannot put everything in a manifesto and that in political campaigns of this nature it is always better to have back-ups that you can always conjure up at the appropriate times. In which case we have to wait and see.    

In the area of connecting with the grassroots, Berewa is on record to have in the early part of the campaign attempted to reach out to the youths of Sierra Leone who happen to constitute 60 per cent of the voting population. He has in his VP capacity been involved in the commissioning of some youth projects particularly in the Western Area all of which he cleverly used to appeal for the votes of that important constituency. He has often admitted, albeit regrettably, that his government is yet to tackle the problems of the youths, particularly unemployment, promising to make these concerns among his top priorities if elected. This could in a way be interpreted as an admission of the failure of his government to tackle the problems affecting the welfare of the youths even when the Truth and Reconciliation Commission identified it as one of the main causes of the country's almost 11 years civil war; this could however be seen to score a political point for Berewa since his sympathizers might as well argue that it is better to accept the mistakes that have been made and try to put things straight than merely sweep them under the carpet.

In the human rights sector, Berewa may as well capitalize and build on the slight gains made by his government in the area of freedom of expression, religion and association, although he would have to contend with the huge criticism his government received for most of the killings of so-called junta collaborators noted in the TRC report, as well as the reprisal killings of so-called pro-Kabbah government supporters; the hasty execution of the 24 convicted AFRC officers despite repeated calls by the international community to commit the sentences to life imprisonment; and above all, the failure to review the death penalty and the obnoxious Public Order Act of 1965 that criminalizes libel thereby imposing undue restrictions on free speech. While the Berewa sympathizers may say after all the country was then in a state of crisis and there was nothing his government could have done to stop the mob justice his critics may argue that the government encouraged impunity because not a single individual among the killers of the so-called junta collaborators was brought to justice even when some of them were identified by leading rights organizations. But the Berewa sympathizers may also say their man is not to blame for the hasty execution of the 24 convicted AFRC soldiers because he was merely following orders according to the constitution of the land. Moreover they may argue that it is unfair to pass judgment on Berewa based on violations committed under his predecessor because things may turn out to be different if he is in charge. Although his critics may of course say that he fell short of announcing what he intends to do with the death penalty and the Public Order Act in his election manifesto, and may as well point to the setback the recent detention of Standard Times editor Philip Neville invoking the latter may have caused his campaign for the presidency.

Some critics may also want to point to the celebrated espionage case in March 1997 involving my two colleagues and I of the Expo Times invoking the same Public Order Act in which Berewa, then as Justice Minister, went the extra mile to lash out at us in his office under special police escort with the threat “We would send you down for 15 years and when you come out you will wash your hands off journalism.' We spent about a month in maximum security Pademba prison after we were persistently refused bail. But that is all in the past now and, for all you know, in an apparent demonstration of political correctness, Berewa magnanimously jumped at the opportunity to mend fences with me when we met five years later at a World Bank sponsored Donors Conference in Paris with a big embrace assuring me to come back home in the spirit of peace and reconciliation, then the new buzz word in the country.

Regarding the issue of Berewa's running mate Alhaji Momodu Koroma making any impact for his campaign, although of course generally speaking running mates are yet to prove important in swinging votes in presidential elections in Sierra Leone, his religious background as a Muslim and close confidant of out-going President Kabbah might be helpful. If qualified voters of the  estimated 70% Muslim population come out to vote on poll day, then Berewa's SLPP would have the advantage over the other two front runners although, the PMDC's Muslim running mate Alhaji Dr Ibrahim Tejan Jalloh also has the potential of clawing in a substantial part of the Muslim vote.  The fact that Momodu Koroma has also been able to demonstrably trace his background to the northern may well mean that he is poised to bring in some more votes from that region, which is traditional known as an APC stronghold.

Ernest Koroma: Of all the three front runners, Ernest Koroma is generally considered as the newest entrant to politics. He started his political career following his election as the All People's Congress party flag-bearer for the 2002 presidential elections in which he came second. From the look of things on the ground he seems poised to give Berewa and Margai a good run for their money. Until recently, Ernest has been a little known political quantity, although of course he has succeeded in carving out a niche for himself as a very successful insurance entrepreneur being the Chief Executive of Ritcorp, one of the most viable insurance companies in Sierra Leone. He is also largely believed to be a man of unblemished character who has come to inject new blood into the APC.  His critics however see him as a front for the old hands in the APC who are hiding behind the scenes waiting for the opportunity to openly show their old ways of doing things. And yet vibrant APC MP Alhaji Alpha Kanu, who is also spokesman for Ernest Koroma, recently played down the corruption and mismanagement that characterized the 24-year APC rule saying that it was no were near the broad day light corruption characteristic of the ruling SLPP government . He hinted that during the reign of their own party public officials used to steal just a little and leave the rest for the people to benefit where as in the case of the SLPP government public officials have been busy clearing most of what is meant for the people they are supposed to be ruling hence the shortfall in meeting their basic human needs despite the huge aid inflow and the country's natural resources.

Ernest Koroma however failed to echo this binary point of bad and worse evil of corruption during APC and SLPP reigns, respectively, in his campaign manifesto leaving critics to think that while he is campaigning on a platform of change—end corruption and mismanagement, and restore the country's human development—he is not prepared to cry down the shortcomings under APC rule, no matter how big or small, or, to put it bluntly, bad or worse. For some of us who have lived and worked as journalists under both regimes we know that you cannot be further from the truth by saying that there were more shortcomings in the one than the other, but you can by saying that the one is a devil and the other is an angel.

What received prominence in the APC campaign 2007 manifesto titled ‘Agenda for Change', is a recall of its achievements: ‘In its twenty four years in governance, the nation experienced relative peace and stability, as well as remarkable social and infrastructural development.  These achievements were neither by accident, nor were they by dint of good fortune.  They were the result of carefully calculated and prudent policies, underlined by wise counsel, visionary leadership and a good knowledge of the politics and people of Sierra Leone.  It is on this well established tradition that the All Peoples Congress Party presents itself for the 2007 elections as your next government'. Yes it is true that some gains were indeed made under APC rule particularly in the area of infrastructural development but it also true that some very grave mistakes were made. Corruption and political patronage were as true under APC rule as under the ruling SLPP, the only difference if there is any, as Alpha Kanu would want us believe, is the degree of these vices under each of these regimes. At least it is on record that former president Joseph Saidu Momoh publicly admitted to have failed his people particularly in the area of his much talked-about green revolution. Moreover, the TRC report pointed to corruption and youth exclusion as the main causes of the almost 11 year civil war, although of course the APC may want to dismiss this as pure politics. I know it could be politically suicidal sometimes to play up mistakes that were made by the predecessors of one's party but it is also politically sensible to admit them, no matter how small or big they were, even if in passing, and pledge to put them straight and build on the achievements. Voters are more likely to trust political leaders who are honest with the truth.

That an APC government, going by its 2007 manifesto, ‘is determined to lift this country from its current state of disrepair and desperation by rebuilding its human resources, its social services and physical infrastructure that will gear the nation towards equitable and sustainable economic growth' gives the impression that the APC is presenting itself as the party that is coming to redeem and rebuild the country.  Critics may say the APC could not be the appropriate redeemer and re-builder when in the first place they also contributed to decadence that is refusing to go away. Well their sympathisers may argue that the APC is a party that has been born-again, and that like new labour in Great Britain, it is poised to bring in new and more pragmatic initiatives to tackle the decadence. Moreover, some may want to argue that they have not been in government for the past 15 years and that the country really dramatically went downhill since their overthrow by the NPRC junta. The latter may want to point to Sierra Leone's very poor performance in the UN Human Development Index in the last 10 years to strengthen their argument since they may say that after all things were not that bad during their time and that the NPRC coup and the civil war were major interruptions to the development initiatives that were then in motion.

Going by their manifesto, the APC position on transparency and accountability in the context of the war against corruption and the promotion of good governance is one of zero tolerance. To show that it means business, the APC has pledged to ‘ensure strict adherence to these principles and practices, and will subject itself to an African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and any other international benchmarks'. It is indeed a good idea to subject one's government to peer review and make use of best practice that has succeeded in making a difference elsewhere but again the APC critics may want to argue that you cannot as a government replicate best practice that has worked perfectly elsewhere in ending corruption and mismanagement without first tackling the very root of corruption, which is poverty, which in turn translates into poor wages and other working conditions.  

The APC party manifesto did indeed recognize that the country's public service is ‘saddled with low salaries and poor conditions of service, and that one of its objectives would be to ‘take immediate action to look into the present discriminatory two-tier system of remuneration of public officials', and that one of its key strategies is to improve the salary and conditions of the public service with a view to making it attractive and competitive'. But the APC critics may say if they were that sincere they would have done this when they had the opportunity 15 years ago.  Although of course the APC sympathizers may counter this by saying that with the new vision of their much revived party, coupled with the leadership of Ernest Koroma with his clean record of service as an  insurance executive, it would  be entirely different this time if they are allowed a come back. But again one may want to ask whether the conditions of service of employees at Ritcorp, where Ernest Koroma served as chief executive for over two decades, are any special to make people, particularly his critics, see in him as somebody who would replicate this at the national level if given the opportunity. It is hard to tell for some of us who are writing from the Diaspora.

The APC also made a very huge promise in the area of human development, especially the provision of basic social services which, they say, ‘many other countries take for granted, but which our people continue to be deprived of.  Necessities such as affordable staple food (rice), electricity, water, basic health care, an expanded education system, and jobs for the bulging numbers of unemployed youth.  All these will be our focus.' Nice words that would no doubt sing melodious music in the ears of Sierra Leoneans who have long been waiting for these social services to be delivered. Déjà vu. The question remains as to whether the APC would this time move beyond the rhetoric.

The APC also places a high premium on the issue the people's fundamental human rights—political and civil rights to be more precise. It recognises that ‘much of the misery and injustice of our time is the result of the reckless use of power' and yet many human violations were committed under the 24 year APC rule, even when under a civilian regime, albeit of course to a much lesser scale compared to anything that we saw since their ouster some 15 years ago; whether they are going to be doing things differently this time around if given the opportunity remains to be seen.

In the area of press freedom it is hard to trust the APC to do things differently next time around when there were equally as many incidences of press freedom violations under their 24-year rule as we saw under Kabbah's SLPP government, if not more. At least I had my baptism of imprisonment as a journalist under APC rule, just a couple of weeks before the coup that ousted them from power in 1992, although of course I suffered more persecutions under SLPP rule; but that is all in the past now as things have been getting better in this area recently. Yet the Public Order Act of 1965, that most obnoxious of all legislations as far as upholding the fundamental freedoms of the people is concerned, is still darkening the pages of our law books. It is the Act that criminalises libel making it very difficult for journalists to serve their noble role as watchdog of their society. Having suffered harassment and imprisonment on many occasions in the name of that Act, I recently joined other colleagues in Sierra Leone in calling for its review and possible replacement with a law that would not be easily abused by the authorities who may want to settle scores with some ‘troublesome' journalists. Something concrete is yet to emerge from efforts by SLAJ and the Media Commission to review this law. While Berewa is yet to make an official declaration regarding his position on this law, Ernest Koroma, has at least in his manifesto promised to enhance the role of a free, unfettered and responsible press', with a view of ‘reviewing the 1965 Public Order Act' as one of the key strategies of his government in ensuring this freedom if elected. 

In terms of Ernest Koroma's running mate, Samuel Sam-Sumana, very little was indeed known about him until his recent nomination to that position. But looking at his background as another successful businessman in the mining industry and a member of one of the leading traditional ruling families in the Kono district, he should not be dismissed as just another ordinary running mate who is there only to complete the presidential bid requirement. I used to know him personally as a sixth form class mate at Ahmaddiya Secondary School in Freetown where he served as a senior prefect. It is a long time now but I still remember how he used to be a cool, but firm, disciplinarian. One obvious advantage that Sam-Sumana is bound to bring to Ernest Koroma's campaign for the presidency is regional and ethnic balance. The Konos are generally known to be a very united people who always rally behind their kith and kin when it comes to elections for the highest offices of the land. The fact that he is the first Kono man to be appointed running mate for a party that is a strong contender in the poll means that the APC is poised to gain most of the votes in that district that has in all 8 parliamentary seats that are up for grabs, and almost half of the voting population in the Eastern province. As a matter of fact, two Kono SLPP MPs, including Bockarie Torto, recently switched to APC probably because they saw it coming. The konos are saying that this is the nearest they have come to the seat of power and so they would not let this opportunity slip away from them as they are never sure when next they would have it.

 Charles Margai: He is no stranger to Sierra Leone politics. His father Sir Albert Margai ruled Sierra Leone between 1965 and 1967 after taking over from his elder brother Sir Milton Margai following his sudden death. Charles Margai has since the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1992 been nursing ambition for the country's presidency. He was then elected Vice Chairman of the SLPP representing the Southern Province. In the 1996 primaries, he lost the party leadership contest to Tejan Kabbah who later went on to win the presidential election. Things have not been rosy between the two since then. Although Charles Margai was later appointed Internal Affairs minister by President Kabbah, the cold war between the two continued and finally resurfaced when the former was denied the party leadership for the second time, in the primaries of 2005, this time losing out to Berewa. Margai accused Kabbah to have interfered with the primaries since he openly campaigned for Berewa to succeed him. It is in this context of frustration that Margai set up a new political party—the People's Movement for Democratic Change—that has fast emerged as a third force in the mainstream Sierra Leone politics with a huge potential to pose a major threat to the more established SLPP and APC.

Going by the PMDC 2007 manifesto, it is clear that the party has a populist agenda that has more resonance for the youths of Sierra Leone. And since the youths constitute about 60 per cent of the voting population, it would be a monumental mistake to dismiss the PMDC as nothing but a third force that would only make a big splash and disappear. Political observers think that the presence of the PMDC as a buffer between the two traditional parties is good for democracy as it prevents the prospects of having a straight fight between these two traditional parties like what we saw in the 2002 elections.

The PMDC is poised to make inroads in the Western Area (APC traditional base), Northern Province (APC traditional base), and above all in the East and the South (SLPP traditional strongholds), particularly in the Bo and Moyamba districts, homes to very huge youth populations.

Margai is campaigning on a platform of ‘positive change', which means a huge pledge of a complete departure from the APC and SLPP styles of leadership and policies. But critics may want to argue that Margai has got nothing new to bring to the job since he also served as government minister under Tejan Kabbah's SLPP government . His sympathisers may however counter this by saying that it would be totally different if he is completely in charge. Margai is seen by his supporters as a pragmatic and down-to-earth politician.

A key highlight of the PMDC manifesto is its promise to put civil society participation in their government at the very heart of their policies. It also has on its cards the determination to create more extra departmental commissions such as NaCSA and NCP, ensure transparency and accountability in their transactions, ensure that funds are channelled to the right priorities and that such funds are properly accounted for, and above all ensure that these commissions complement and supplement the programmes of mainstream government ministries rather than duplicate them. In terms of the privatisation of state parastatals, the PMDC is also promising to encourage the participation of local Sierra Leonean businessmen.

In the area of working with the NGO community, the PMDC's plan to ‘put in place a monitoring and tracking system that would enhance and guarantee more transparency and accountability in the operations of NGOs, both local and international' sounds good if implemented. So is also their promise to ensure that the greatest benefits of the activities of the NGOs actually meet the people for whom the funding was meant. These are indeed very interesting, but tall, benchmarks to meet.

In terms of foreign policy, the PMDC pledge to commit to the fight against global terrorism to ensure a more peaceful and stable world would no doubt have great resonance for the country's relationship with the international community. This is a plus for the PMDC, particularly so when the APC and SLPP manifestos fell short of making any such commitment to what has become the most important global concern of the 21st century.

In the area of financial management, the PMDC government is promising to guarantee transparency, probity and accountability in the management of the nation's finances. Critics of Margai would however want to argue that it is very difficult for him to succeed in bringing financial sanity when he himself was recently accused of committing financial impropriety during his tenure as Internal Affairs minister by awarding a government contract to a company allegedly owned by his close relative. But some Margai sympathisers may want to argue that awarding a government contract to a relative has got nothing to do with financial impropriety as long as there is evidence that the contract obligations were duly met within the agreed time frame. They may want to continue that their man has got a clean record and that this accusation was just a propaganda by some SLPP sympathisers to frustrate his campaign.

The PMDC under Margai has got good vision in the area of financial management strategies, the most prominent of which are ‘Introduction of Volunteer Corps for Youths in both agriculture and road construction' and the ‘introduction of adaptive technology that befits the endowment of each district for the establishment of small-scale factories, for example, Garri making factories in the Bo and Moyamba Districts, Ginger in Moyamba District, Fruit canning factory in the Koinadugu District, Garra and Cloth making factory(ies) in the Bombali and Kailahun Districts respectively, Groundnut Oil and Cream making factory in the Port Loko District, local building materials factory in Pujehun District' and more…

The PMDC is also making a strong commitment to human development, particularly in the area of making sure that people all over the country have access to electricity and safe drinking water. In the area of agriculture and food production, the PMDC is pledging to prioritise food production for the population, provision of employment provision of source of income, earning foreign exchange through export etc. It's aim to boost trade and industry by ‘creating a Small Businesses Commission to examine government interventions, monitor the progress of small businesses and keep their needs on the government's agenda' is also a very good initiative. The PMDC has also got some very ambitious programmes in the provision of other social services such as health, sanitation the environment, education, public works and housing.

Realising that it needs the support of the youths to foster its populist agenda, the PMDC commits to making youth empowerment at the very core of its objectives, which in particular includes providing them the opportunities for them ‘to achieve the highest of their potential.'

In the area of human rights—political and civil liberties—the PMDC promises to boost the judiciary and make it operate as independently as possible from the executive so that justice shall be dispensed to all without fear or favour. It also promises to make information free, open and easily accessible. Of particular importance to freedom of the press is the PMDC pledge to ‘embark on comprehensive legal reforms to address the imbalances in our society, including a review of the Public Order Act No. 46 of 1965' which criminalises libel making it impossible for journalists to feel unfettered in carrying out their watch dog role in society. While this is a welcome news to all Sierra Leoneans, particularly journalists and others who use other creative arts such as music and drama to voice their opinions regarding the ills of society, it remains to be seen whether the PMDC would be ready to succeed where all others before them had failed.

The PMDC leader himself cannot count himself to be a very good friend of the press as I remember very well my bitter legal encounter with him when he was practising law in Bo. I remember quite well how he then used his contacts with the NPRC junta in 1994 to ensure my arrest in Freetown together with my deputy editor, Abdul Abass Dumbuya, then of Afro Times, and then taken to Bo where we were detained, appeared in court the following day and remanded in custody because we were refused bail. Can you imagine that! And Margai was only a lawyer then although he claimed that our front page report of a scandal involving some bailiffs who had arbitrarily acted on his orders had tarnished his political image since he was then still recognised as the SLPP Southern region vice chairman. We were then charged with defamatory libel and for all you know the 1965 Public Order Act was ostensibly invoked since we were arbitrarily arrested and detained even before the matter was brought to court. We spent about three more days in remand custody in Bo prison where we were virtually reduced to common criminals before we were granted bail in the next hearing thanks to a strong intervention from SLAJ. And that was Margai power at work when he was by then not in government.

That matter dragged on at the Bo Magistrate Court for almost six months, which saw us shuttling between Freetown and Bo almost every two weeks accompanied by our defence counsel. And guess what! The matter was finally withdrawn from court by the prosecution which was led by Margai himself after realising that the more the matter continued the more embarrassing revelations were made. But that is all in the past now and I can only hope that if Margai emerges as the winner of the August 11 poll he would make good his promise of getting rid of the 1965 Public Order Act so that he may be at least prevented from invoking it again to deal with another colleague.

Coming now to Margai's running mate, Alhaji Dr Ibrahim Tejan-Jalloh, it is clear that his religious background as a Muslim is bound to win their party some of the over 70 per cent Muslim vote in the country. This means that the PMDC and the SLPP would definitely be sharing the Muslim vote while the APC would be the loser here. The fact that Dr Tejan Jalloh is also a fullah from Kabala in the North means that he is sure of gaining a substantial part of the fullah vote in particular, and the northern vote in general.

To conclude, it is safe to say that all three parties have got better chances to make the difference in the August 11 poll and so it is highly expected that the election would go into a run-off where the party that is able to rally the support of the smaller parties would be better placed to win. May the better side that is capable of delivering the country from its current mess prevail.

*Dr Ibrahim Seaga Shaw is Publisher and Editor-in-chief, Expo Times, and Postdoctoral Fellow, School of Politics, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK